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The greatest attention in Fuller’s game is to physical resources and energy. Fuller was an engineer and technologist and a self-described design-science revolutionary. An optimist and big thinker, his position was that “spaceship earth” had adequate resources for life support for everyone on the planet, if only we would think big and give up the nation-state as an outmoded form of governance. His book Critical Path includes a description of the World Game; there he briefly recognizes human fear of the unfamiliar (Fuller) as a problem for his projected future. Like many utopians, Fuller hungered for a totalizing conception of the good, which if enacted could well be oppressive. We are now critical of twentieth-century total izing schemes, even if framed in the most benign and well-meaning way.
World Game, as developed by Fuller, is a game in support of decisions to enham e human life on this planet in a technical sense. Technical decisions can be accept ed or overturned based on rationality, logic, or scientific evidence. What Fullet avoided was the human component of game play that is essential and complex.
In contrast but also at a large scale, the Model United Nations is an interactive role-playing game in operation worldwide at universities, high schools, and online. In this game, students represent a particular country after absorbing the country brief. They learn the procedure within the security council, develop skill in resolution writing, caucusing, and consensus building. Based on human interaction and persuasion, issues are argued, coalitions are formed, and decisions are made within the simulated structure of the United Nations. The game is very fluid and dependent on the knowledge and communication skills of the players.
World Game and the Model United Nations are at opposite ends of the gaming spectrum. The former is based on physical-technical information and on a top- down approach to decision making, while the latter focuses on human communication and interaction and is based on a bottom-up approach to decision making through negotiation and consensus building.

We make decisions all the time, some small and some large, some with little impact beyond ourselves and some with substantial impact to others’ lives. It is possible that big decisions, made in situations of uncertainty, can be better understood through gaming. If multiple people need to be on board for a decision, gaming can help expose various positions: who is willing to compromise, what can he negotiated, or when consensus is viable. Ordinary citizens are called upon to participate in decision making as they serve on juries or planning and parole boards, The decisions they are called upon to make are serious and stressful. The Situations in which such decisions are made involve much interpersonal influence and argument.
Having now established the perspectives from which games are investigated, we move to a sharper focus on games themselves,

Using the Logic of Positions we analyzed the various types of data and data collection methods available to us. As suggested above, the data from semiotic analyzes provided some interesting speculation useful perhaps at a preliminary stage, but not usable as evidence. In government and business, focus groups and surveys are popular sources of data on how people react to documents, hut how useful are these types of data? If one looks from our position as information designers relative to this type of data, the first thing we notice is that we typically have access to the data via a report. In other words, there has been a chain of author/text and reader/text relations between us and the data. it is possible to open this up a little further in detail. If we start at the point where the data is collected we can notice first that the person being interviewed is often being asked to give an opinion of a document, but not necessarily using the document at the time. Thus the person interviewed creates a text, an account or story about their use of the document. Moreover, because they are creating their story for the benefit of the inter viewer, there is an implied reader of their story. The interviewer takes this text the person’s story about their use of the document—and constructs another text their report of the interview. This report of interview is a text with an implied author—the original storyteller—and an implied reader—the person who compile all the interviews into a report for the client, the next implied reader
the chain.

All the above thinking was done before I began my work investigating through CRIA the application of communication and information design processes in large organizations. When I began this later work, I was well primed to look for these shows implied readers and authors. I was also keenly conscious that as a designer I was already embedded as a part of the authoring process.
The work we were asked to undertake by both government and industry was to make their communication with the public more user friendly. Thus right at the heart of our work is a highly explicit construction of an implied reader. This is not new; large organizations are used to working with other implied readers. For example, many bureaucrats when drafting a form for public use ask themselves what a judge in court would make of a particular usage, what the internal information processing needs require, or what their superior’s point of view might be. But “the public,”“citizens,”“consumers,”“customers,” or “clients” are new implied readers requiring a new outlook. First, there is the political issue of a formerly unrepresented constituency having a voice at the table. Second, there is the equally political issue of whose notify of the implied reader is to prevail? Third, is how to demonstrate that the new implied reader is being catered to. To many in politics and the bureaucracy the third issue has been dealt with by introducing plain language. We are skeptical (Sless 1993—1996); the plain English style or writing genre, like any authoring process, contains an implied reader. In the case of plain English it is a simplified construction of the reader and the reading processes. But what constitutes evidence that plain English is an inadequate solution to a complex communication problem, and mote generally what kind of evidence is acceptable from the designer’s position within the communication landscape about the userfriendlines5 of a document?

So far, the logic that emerges has two components: an author/text with an implied reader, and a reader/text with an implied author. One of the basic characteristics of these two components is counterintuitive—their irreducibility. Even though we can talk as if authors, texts, and readers were separate entities, in the emerging logic the smallest units of analysis are the author/text/implied reader on the one hand, and the reader/text/implied author on the other hand. Claiming the irreducibility of these entities marks a radical departure from our normal way of talking about these things and conducting research into the nature of communication. In ordinary conversation we talk about authors, readers, and texts as separate entities. In research we traditionally distinguish between studies that focus on the creators of texts, such as biography; studies that focus on an analysis of texts, such as social semiotics; and studies that focus on readers of text, such as psychology. The logic of positions slices the cake in an altogether different manner and in many ways challenges the validity of these traditional discipline boundaries.
But the logic of positions goes further. As there are only two basic positions, and no outsider position, there is no scholarly position of neutrality or objectivity: one is either an author or a reader already embedded within the process. I have undertaken a number of studies to illustrate this as it has been applied across a range
modalities in the published communication studies literature (Sless 1980, 198 lb 1983a, 1983b, 1985, 1986a, 1986b, 1987, 1988, 1994). Even when researchers claim to be studying text on its own the shadowy implied authors and readers’ always present pius a little old fashioned magic in which inanimate objects make people do things. For example Hodge and Kress make the following observation about a billboard: “The text itself is of a scale and kind which implies the use of significant material resources. The availability of such resources is understood by the reader to be a precondition of the production of uch a text and that gives the text a particular status . . . and places the reader in a particular position” (Hodge and Kress, 9, my italics).
Notice how Hodge and Kress make the text itself vaguely animated, as if capable of action—doing things to people. The text “implies,” and it “places the reader.” Hodge and Kress also tell us how the billboard is “understood by the reader.” This illustrates one of the common rhetorical devices that researchers use to imply their own neutrality; they introduce another shadowy persona into their study of texts: the implied other reader. This is a fascinating construction that appears to do the work of reading for them. Sometimes in social semiotics these implied entities take on the persona of an entire culture. Far from being scholarly and detached, such research is populated by fictional (implied) other readers and authors. It is easy to demonstrate that these are highly subjective works of fiction, more so than a personal account of one’s own reading of a text. Scholarship more subjective than personal accounts—a radical claim! But the question that we need to answer in any study of communication is not whether we are being more or less subjective—we have no choice but to be subjective, in a sense—rather, what position we are in and how explicitly and rigorously do we give an account of the implied readers and authors that inevitably populate our accounts.

Sometimes, fascinatingly, things hover ambiguously between communication and non-communication, as in the case of the wink/twitch (Sless and Shrensky). Imagine sitting in a train and the man opposite you closes and opens one eye quickly while looking straight at you. Is he winking at you or twitching? By analyzing this example carefully, we have been able to show the subtle nature of the boundary between communication and non-communication. The difference between treating the phenomenon as communication or as non-communication turns out not to be a characteristic of the phenomenon itself but rather a characteristic of our description of the phenomenon. Put another way, it is what we—experiencing the phenomenon—bring to its apprehension: the beholder’s share again.
In the case of communication, when we read something as a text, we apply a quite specific schema that implies a notion of an author. We do not need a clear idea of who the author may be, what their purpose or intention was, or the nature of the message they wanted to present. If we believe something to be the product of an author then we treat it in a distinctive way. We try to make sense of it in a special way, quite different from the way we would try to make sense of it if we regarded it as a natural phenomenon. Treating something as communication leads us to ask questions about intention and semiotic systems. Treating something as a natural phenomenon leads us to ask questions about causes and effects, a quite different type of inquiry leading to quite different descriptions and explanations.
Equally, as the author of texts (using the term “author” in a broad generic way), we imply a notion of a reader. Again, this notion can be quite vague, and often is, but the presence of this implied or inferred reader is a defining characteristic of communication from the author’s point of view. There is thus a symmetry between the author and reader positions. But, importantly, these are different positions in the communication landscape, and the presence of the text both joins and separates them.

Communication was not a theorized space until after World War II, it was i something we did. Seminal model of communication and the model of feedback dealt with the technical transmission space for communication. From the beginning of communication theory, attention focused on technical aspects and broadcast models in which the recipient of the communication was presumed to be passive. All that was necessary was to use understandable codes (language, symbols, images) with which the recipient was familiar. Since those early days, many communication models have been developed that deal with various perspectives on communication, including discourse models that seek to establish rapport; gratification models that attempt to sustain interest; innovation models that promote behavior change; and context models that seek to recognize and plan for the specific conditions in which a communication occurs. Wit ii these models the varieties of ways in which communication was received and interpreted came to the foreground, but the variables that influence any particular person’s interpretation remain daunting and undiscovered in their totality.

It struck me, and many others, that, if this is true of a work of art, it is also true of other forms of communication, Our reading of a book, for example, is a combination of what the writer presents us with and our own expectations. The same is true of a movie, a poster, a timetable, a map, indeed any form of communication. Thus Gombrich’s insight following on from Kant is relevant at the most general level of our description of communication. Indeed Kant was referring to all types of experience, not just communication, People each bring their own expectations—their share—to experience in general.
But there is something distinctive about communication as an experience that separates it out from other forms of experience. To tease out what this might be, my colleagues and I looked at a number of cases that hovered at the boundary between communication activity and naturally occurring phenomena. The most famous of these was the discovery of pulsars (Hewish; Sless 1981). Because the pulses generated by the astronomical phenomena are so regular, the researchers who first discovered them speculated that the pulses might be a signal from a distant civilization. However, once they accepted that there was a satisfactory physical explanation, they abandoned the idea of a signal.

Games can be approached as containing technical skills one wishes to master or as opportunities to interact socially. For example, some chess players prefer to play the computer (remember “Big Blue”) and some prefer to play a human adversary. The experience is different as the computer may play an intellectually challenging game, but cannot effectively stall, bluff, or look for sympathy.
Games provide a conversational space in which we try on behaviors that perhaps don’t come easily to us: for example, aggression or collaboration, negotiation or nondisclosure. In the context of the game we get immediate feedback from others in terms of their social response or game response, both of which are revealing and dynamic. Games can be a structure in which we get acquainted as they require participation and they provide a ritual to sustain interaction. Through this participation we learn something about the values and strategies of our opponents and even ourselves.

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